After the renewed refusal of my peace offer in January 1940 by the
then British Prime Minister and the clique which supported or
dominated him, it became clear that this war - against all reasons
of common sense and necessity - must be fought to its end. You know
me, my old Party companions; you know I have always been an enemy of
half measures or weak decisions.
If the Providence has so willed that the German people cannot be
spared this fight, then I can only be grateful that it entrusted me
with the leadership in this historic struggle which, for the next
500 or 1,000 years, will be described as decisive, not only for the
history of Germany, but for the whole of Europe and indeed the whole
The German people and their soldiers are working and fighting today,
not only for the present, but also for the coming, nay the most
distant, generations. The Creator has imposed a historical revision
on a unique scale upon us.
Shortly after the end of the campaign in Norway, the German Command
was forced, first of all, to ensure the military security of the
conquered areas. Since then the defences of the conquered countries
have changed considerably. From Kirkenes to the Spanish Frontier
there is a belt of great bases and fortifications; many airfields
have been built, naval bases with protection for submarines, which
are practically invulnerable from sea or air.
More than 1,500 new batteries have been planned and constructed. A
network of roads and railways was constructed so that today
communications from the Spanish Frontier to Petsano are independent
of the sea. These installations in no way fall behind those of the
Western Wall, and work continues incessantly on strengthening them.
I am irrevocably determined to make the European Front unassailable
by any enemy.
This defensive work was supplemented by offensive warfare. German
surface and underwater naval Forces carried on their constant war of
attrition against the British Merchant Navy and the ships in its
service. The German Air Force supported these attacks by
reconnaissance, by damaging enemy shipping, by numerous retaliatory
raids which have given the English a better idea of the ever so
charming war caused by their present Prime Minister.
In the middle of last year Germany was supported above all by Italy.
For many months a great part of British power weighed heavily on the
shoulders of Italy. Only because of their tremendous superiority in
heavy tanks could the English create a temporary crisis in North
Africa. On 24th March a small community of German-Italian units
under Rommel's command began the counter-attack.
The German Africa Corps performed outstanding achievements though
they were completely unaccustomed to the climate of this theatre of
war. Just as once in Spain, now in North Africa Germans and Italians
have taken up arms against the same enemy.
While with these bold measures the North African Front was again
secured by the blood of German and Italian soldiers, the shadow of a
terrible danger threatening Europe gathered overhead. Only in
obedience of bitter necessity did I decide in my heart in 1939, to
make the attempt, or at least, to create the prerequisites for a
lasting peace in Europe by eliminating the causes of German-Russian
This was psychologically difficult owing to the general attitude of
the German people, and above all, of the party, towards Bolshevism.
It was not difficult from a purely material point of view - because
Germany was only intent on her economic interests in all the
territories which England declared to be threatened by us and which
she attacked with her promises of aid- for you will allow me to
remind you that England, throughout the spring and late summer of
1939, offered its aid to numerous countries, declaring that it was
our intention to invade those countries and thus deprive them of
The German Reich and its Government were therefore able to affirm,
with a clear conscience, that these allegations were false and had
no bearing whatsoever on reality. Add to this the military
realization that in the case of war, which British diplomacy was to
force on the German people, a two front war would ensue and call for
very great sacrifice.
When, on top of all this, the Baltic States and Rumania showed
themselves prone to accept the British Pacts of assistance, and thus
let it be seen that they, too, believed in such a threat, it was not
only the right of the Reich Government, but its duty to fix the
limits of German interests.
The countries in question, and above all, the Reich Government,
could not but realize that the only factor, which could be a
buttress against the East, was Germany. The moment they severed
their connection with the German Reich, and entrusted their fate to
the aid of that Power, which, in its proverbial selfishness has
never rendered aid, but always requested it, they were lost.
Yet the fate of these countries roused the sympathy of the German
people. The winter struggle of the Finns forced on us mixed feelings
of both bitterness and admiration. Admiration because we have a
heart sensitive to sacrifice and heroism, being a nation of soldiers
ourselves; bitterness, because with our eyes fixed on the menacing
enemy in the West, and on the danger in the East, we were not in a
position to render any military assistance.
As soon as it became evident that Soviet Russia decided it had the
right to wipe out the nations living outside the limits of the
German sphere of interest, as a result of that limitation of
interests our subsequent relations
were merely governed by utilitarian considerations, while both our
reason and feelings were hostile.
With every month I became more convinced that the plans of the men
in the Kremlin aimed at domination and annihilation of all Europe, I
have had to disclose to the nation the full extent of the Russian
At a time when Germany had only a few divisions in the provinces
bordering on Russia it would have been evident to a blind man that a
concentration of power, of singular and historic, dimensions was
taking place, and not in order to defend something which was
threatened, but merely in order to attack an object it did not seem
possible to defend. The lightening conclusion of the Western
campaign, however, robbed the Moscow overlords of their hope of an
early flagging of German power.
This did not alter their intentions - it merely led to a
postponement of the date on which they intended to strike.
In the summer of 1941 they thought the time was ripe. A new
Mongolian storm was now set to sweep over Europe. At the same time,
however, Mr. Churchill spoke on the English aspect of the struggle
with Germany. He saw fit, in a cowardly manner, to deny that in a
secret session of House of Commons in 1940, that he had pointed out
that the entry of Russia into the war would happen by 1941 at the
very latest and was the most important factor, which would make a
successful conclusion of the war possible.
This was also to enable England to take the offensive. In the spring
of that year, Europe was to feel the full extent of the might of a
world power, which seemed to dispose of inexhaustible human material
and resources. Dark clouds began to gather on the European sky. For,
my Deputies, what is Europe? There is no fitting geographical
definition of our Continent, but only a national and cultural one.
Not the Urals form the frontier of our Continent, but the eternal
line which divides the Eastern and Western conceptions of life.
There was a time when Europe was that Greek Island into which Nordic
tribes had penetrated in order to light a torch for the first time
which from then onwards began slowly, but surely to brighten the
world of man.
When these Greeks repulsed the invasion of the Persian conquerors
they did not only defend their homeland, which was Greece, but that
idea which we call Europe today. And then European concepts
travelled from Hellas to Rome. The Greek spirit and culture, the
Roman way of thinking and statesmanship, joined.
An empire was created which, to this day has not been equalled in
its significance or creative power, let alone outdone. When, however
the Roman legions were defending Rome against the African onslaught
of Carthage and at last gained a victory, again it was not Rome they
were fighting for, but the Europe of that time, which consisted of
the Greek-Roman Empire.
The next incursion against this homestead of European culture was
carried out from the distant East. A terrible stream of barbarous,
uncultured hordes sallied forth from the interior of Asia deep into
the heart of the European Continent, burning, looting, murdering - a
true scourge of the Lord. In the battle of the Catalonian fields
Western Europe was formed. On the very ruins of Rome Western Europe
was built, and its defence was a task, not only of the Romans, but
also above all else of the Teutons.
In centuries to come the West, enlightened by Greek culture, built
the Roman Empire and then expanded by the colonization of Teutons
was able to call itself Europe. Whether it was the German Emperor
who was repelling the attacks from the East on the Field of Lech or
whether Africa was being pushed back from Spain in long fighting, it
was also a struggle of Europe, coming into being, against a
surrounding world alien in its very essence.
Once Rome had been given its due for the creative defence of this
continent, Teutons took over the defence and the protection of a
family of nations which might still differentiate and differ in
their political structure and objective, but which nevertheless
represented a cultural unity with blood ties. And it was from this
Europe that a spiritual and cultural abundance went out, of which
everyone must be aware who is willing to seek truth instead of
Thus it was not England who brought culture to the Continent, but
the offspring of Teutonic nationhood on the Continent who went as
Anglo-Saxons and Normans to that Island made possible a development
in a way surely unique. In just the same way, it was not America who
discovered Europe, but the other way around.
And everything that America has not drawn from Europe may well
appear worthy of admiration to a juda-ised, mixed race. Europe, on
the other hand, sees in it a sign of cultural decay.
Deputies and Men of the German Reichstag, I had to make this survey,
for the fight which, in the first months of this year, gradually
began to become clear, and of which the German Reich is this time
called to be the leader of, also far exceeds the interests of our
nation and country.
Just as the Greeks once faced the Persians in war, and the Romans
faced the Mongolians, the Spanish heroes defended not only Spain,
but the whole of Europe against Africa, just so Germany is fighting
today, not for herself, but for the entire Continent.
And it is fortunate that this realization is today so deep in the
subconscious of most European nations that, whether by taking up
their position openly or whether by a stream of volunteers, they are
sharing in this struggle.
When, on the 6th of April of this year, the German and Italian
Armies took up their positions for the fight against Yugoslavia and
Greece, it was the introduction to the great struggle in which we
are still involved. The revolt in Belgrade, which led to the
overthrow of the former Regent and his Government, was decisive for
the future course of events in this part of Europe, for England was
also a part to this putsch.
But the chief role was played by Soviet Russia. What I refused to
Mr. Molotov on his visit to Berlin, Stalin now thought he could
achieve by a revolutionary movement, even against our will. Without
consideration for the agreements, which had been concluded, the
intentions of the Bolsheviks in power grew still wider. The Pact of
Friendship with the new revolutionary regime illuminated the
closeness of the threatening danger like lightning.
The feats achieved by the German Armed Forces were given worthy
recognition in the German Reichstag on the 4th of May. but what I
was then unfortunately unable to express was the realization that we
were progressing at tremendous speed toward a fight with a State
which was not yet intervening because it was not yet fully prepared,
and because it was impossible to use the aerodromes and landing
grounds at that time of year on account of the melting snow.
My deputies, when in 1940 I realized from communications in the
English House of Commons and the observation of the Russian troop
movements on our frontiers that there was the possibility of danger
arising in the East of the Reich, I immediately gave orders to set
up numerous new armoured motorized infantry divisions.
The logistics for this were possible from the point of view both of
material and personnel. I will give you, my Deputies, and indeed the
whole German people, only one assurance: the more democracy needs
more armaments, as is easily understandable, the harder National
Socialist Germany works.
It was so in the past, it is no different today. Every year brings
us increased, and above all, improved weapons. Hard decisions had to
be made. In spite of my determination that under no circumstances to
allow our opponent to make the first stab in our heart - in spite of
that my decision was a very difficult one.
If democratic newspapers today declare that, had I known the
strength of our Bolshevik opponents more accurately, I would have
hesitated to attack, they understand the position just as little as
they understand me.
I sought no war. On the contrary, I did everything to avoid it. But
I would have been forgetful of my duty and responsibility if, in
spite of realizing the inevitability of a fight by force of arms, I
had failed to draw the only possible conclusions. In view of the
mortal danger from Soviet Russia, not only to the German Reich, but
also to all Europe, I decided, that if possible, a few days before
the outbreak of this moral struggle, to give the signal to attack
Today, we have overwhelming and authentic proof that Russia intended
to attack; we are also quite clear about the date on which the
attack was to take place. In view of the great danger, the
proportions of which we realise perhaps only today to the fullest
extent, I can only thank God that He enlightened me at the proper
time and that He gave me the strength to do what had to be done!
To this, not only millions of German soldiers owe their lives, but
Europe its very existence. This much I may state today; had this
wave of over 20,000 tanks, hundreds of divisions, tens of thousands
of guns, accompanied by more than 10,000 aircraft, suddenly moved
against the Reich, Europe would have been lost.
Fate has destined a number of nations to forestall this attack, to
ward it off with the sacrifice of their blood. Had Finland not
decided immediately to take up arms for the second time, the
leisurely bourgeois life of the other Nordic countries would soon
have come to an end.
Had the German Reich not faced the enemy with her soldiers and arms,
a flood would have swept over Europe, which once and for all would
have finished the ridiculous British idea of maintaining the
European balance of power in all its senselessness and stupid
Had Slovaks, Hungarians, and Rumanians not taken over part of the
protection of Europe, the Bolshevik hordes would have swept like
Atilla's Huns over the Danubian countries, and at the cost of the
Ionic Sea, Tartars and Mongols would have enforced today the
revision of the Montreux Agreement.
Had Italy, Spain and Croatia not sent their divisions, the
establishment of a European defence Front would have been
impossible, from which emanated the idea of a New Europe as
propaganda to all other nations.
Sensing and realising this, volunteers have come from Northern and
Western Europe, Norwegians, Danes, Dutchmen, Flemings, Belgians,
even Frenchmen - volunteers who gave the struggle of the United
Powers of the Axis the character of a European crusade - in the
truest sense of the word.
The time has not yet come to talk about the planning and the conduct
of this campaign, but I believe that I may sketch in a few sentences
about what has been achieved in this most gigantic of all struggles,
in which memories of the various events might so easily fade because
of the vastness of area and the great number of important events.
The attack began on 22nd of June; with considerable daring the
frontier fortifications, which had been designed to resist any
Russian advance against us, were passed over and on the 23rd Grodno
fell. On the 24th Vilna and Kovno were taken after Brest-Litovsk had
been occupied. On the 26th Duenaburg was in our hands and on 10th
July, the first two great pincer battles of Bialystok and Minsk were
concluded; 324,000 prisoners, 3,332 tanks and 1,809 guns fell to us.
Already, on 13th July, the Stalin Line had been broken through at
all it's important points. On the 16th Smolensk fell after heavy
fighting, and on the 19th German and Rumanian formations forced the
crossing of the Dniester. On the 6th of August, the Battle of
Smolensk was concluded in many pockets and again 310,000 Russians
fell into German captivity, while 3,205 tanks and 3,120 guns were
destroyed or captured.
Only three days later the fate of another Russian Army group was
sealed and on 9th August another 103,000 Russians were taken
prisoner in the Battle of Ouman; 317 tanks and 1,100 guns destroyed
On 17th August Nicolaeff was taken, on the 21st, Kherson. On the
same day the Battle of Gomel was concluded with 84,000 prisoners
taken and 124 tanks, as well as 808 guns captured or destroyed. On
the 21st August, the Russian positions between Lakes Peipus and
Ilmen were broken through and on the 26th the bridgehead at
Dniepropetrovsk fell into our hands.
On 28th August German troops marched into Reval and Boltisk Port
after heavy fighting, while on the 30th the Finns took Viipuri. By
conquering Schluesselburg on the 8th September, Leningrad was
finally cut off, also from the South. On 6th September we succeeded
in establishing bridgeheads on the Dnieper and on the 8th Poltava
fell into our hands. On 9th September German formations stormed the
citadel of Kiev and the occupation of Oesel was crowned by taking
Only now have these great operations matured into the expected
successes; on 27th September the Battle of Kiev was concluded;
665,000 prisoners began to move westwards, 884 tanks and 3,178 guns
remained as booty in the pockets. As early as 2nd October the
break-through battle on the Central Front began, while on 11th
October the battle on the Sea of Azov was successfully concluded;
again 107,000 prisoners, 212 tanks and 672 guns were counted.
On 16th October, German and Rumanian troops marched into Odessa
following hard fighting. On 8th October the break-through on the
Central Front was concluded with a new success, unique in history,
when 663,000 prisoners were only part of its results; 1,242 tanks
and 5,452 guns were either destroyed or captured. On 31st October,
the conquest of Dagoo was concluded.
On 24th October, the industrial centre of Kharkov was taken. On 28th
October, the entrance of the Crimea was finally forced at great
speed, and on 2nd November the capital Sinferopol was taken by
storm. On 6th November we had pierced through the Crimea up to Kerch.
On 1st December, the total number of Soviet prisoners amounted to
3,806,865; the number of tanks destroyed or captured was 21,391,
guns, 32,541 and aeroplanes, 17,322. During the same period 2,191
British planes were shot down. The Navy sank 4,170,611 g.r.t. of
British shipping, the air force 2,346,080 g.r.t.; a total of
6,516,791 g.r.t. was thus destroyed.
All this had to be fought for by my staking health and life, and by
efforts, which those at home can hardly imagine. Marching for an
endless distance, tormented by heat and thirst, often held up by the
mud of un-surfaced roads which would drive them almost to despair,
exposed, from the Black Sea to the Arctic Sea, to the
in-hospitability of a climate which from the blazing heat of the
July and August days, dropped to the wintry storms of November and
December, tortured by insects, suffering from dirt and vermin,
freezing in the snow and ice, they have fought - the Germans and the
Finns, Italians, Slovaks, Hungarians and Rumanians, the Croats, the
volunteers from the North and West European countries, all in all
the soldiers of the Eastern Front.
The beginning of winter only will now check this movement; at the
beginning of summer it will again no longer be possible to stop the
movement. On this day I do not want to mention any individual
section of the Armed Forces, I do not want to praise any particular
command; they have all made a supreme effort. And yet, understanding
and justice compel me to state one thing again and again; amongst
our German soldiers the heaviest burden is born today, as in the
past, by our matchless German infantry.
From 22nd June to 1st December the German Army lost in this heroic
fight 158,773 killed, 563,082 wounded and 31,191 missing. The Air
Force lost 3,231 killed, 8,453 wounded and 2,028 missing. The Navy
lost 210 killed, 232 wounded and 115 missing. The total losses of
the armed forces are thus 162,314 killed, 571,767 wounded and 33,334
That is to say, in killed and wounded slightly greater than the
field of death at the Battle of the Somme, in missing a little less
than half those missing at that time. But all were fathers and sons
of our German people.
And now permit me to define my attitude to that other world, which
has its representative in that man, who while our soldiers are
fighting in snow and ice, very tactfully likes to make his chats
from the fireside, the man who is the main culprit of this war.
When in 1939 the conditions of our national interests in the then
Polish State became more and more intolerable, I tried at first to
eliminate those intolerable conditions by way of a peaceful
settlement. For some time it seemed as though the Polish Government
itself had seriously considered to agree to a sensible settlement.
I may add that in German proposals nothing was demanded that had not
been German property in former times. On the contrary, we renounced
very much of what, before the World War, had been German property.
You will recall the dramatic development of that time, in which the
sufferings of German nationals increased continuously. You, my
deputies, are in the best position to gauge the extent of the blood
sacrifice, if you compare it to the casualties of the present war.
The campaign in the East has so far cost the German armed forces
about 160,000 killed; but in the midst of peace more than 62,000
Germans were killed during those months, some under the cruelest
tortures. It could hardly be contested that the German Reich had had
a right to object to such conditions on its Frontiers and to demand
that they should case to exist and that it was entitled to think of
its own safety; this could hardly be contested at a time when other
countries were seeking elements of their safety even in foreign
The problems, which had to be overcome, were of no territorial
significance. Mainly they concerned Danzig and the union with the
Reich of the torn-off province, East Prussia. More difficult were
the cruel persecutions the Germans were exposed to, in Poland
particularly. The other minorities, incidentally, had to suffer a
fate hardly less bitter.
When in August the attitude of Poland - thanks to the carte blanche
guarantee received from England - became still stiffer, the
Government of the Reich found it necessary to submit, for the last
time, a proposal on the basis of which we were willing to enter into
negotiations with Poland - negotiations of which we fully and
completely apprised the then British Ambassador.
I may recall these proposals today: Proposal for the settlement of
the problem of the Danzig Corridor and of the question of the
German-Polish minorities. The situation between the German Reich and
Poland has become so strained that any further incident may lead to
a clash between the Armed Forces assembled on both sides. Any
peaceful settlement must be so arranged that the events mainly
responsible for the existing situation cannot occur again - a
situation, which has caused a state of tension, not only in Eastern
Europe, but also in other regions.
The cause of this situation lies in the impossible Frontiers laid
down by the Versailles dictate and the inhuman treatment of the
German minorities in Poland. I am now going to read the proposals in
question. [Hitler then proceeded to read the first 12 points of
The same goes for the proposals for safeguarding the minorities.
This is the offer of an agreement such as could not have been made
in a more loyal and magnanimous form by any government other than
the National Socialist Government of the German Reich.
The Polish Government at that period refused even as much as to
consider this proposal. The question then arises: how could such an
unimportant State dare simply to refuse an offer of this nature and
furthermore, not only indulge in further atrocities to its German
inhabitants who had given that country the whole of its culture, but
even order mobilization?
Perusal of documents of the Foreign Office in Warsaw has now given
us some surprising explanations. There was one who, with devilish
lack of conscience, used all his influence to further the warlike
intentions of Poland and to eliminate all possibilities of
The reports which the then Polish Ambassador in Washington, Count
Potocki, sent to his Government are documents from which it may be
seen with a terrifying clearness to what an extent one man alone and
the forces driving him are responsible for the second World War.
The question next arises, how could this man fall into such
fanatical enmity toward a country, which in the whole of its history
has never done the least harm either to America or to him
So far as Germany's attitude toward America is concerned, I have to
One: Germany is perhaps the only great nation, which has never had a
colony either in North or South America, or otherwise displayed
there was any political activity, unless mention is made of the
emigration of many millions of Germans and of their work, which,
however, has only been to the benefit of the American Continent and
of the U.S.A.,
Two: In the whole history of the coming into being and of the
existence of the U.S.A. the German Reich has never adopted a
politically unfriendly, let alone a hostile attitude, but on the
contrary with the blood of many of its sons, it helped to defend the
The German Reich never took part in any war against the U.S.A. It
itself had war imposed on it by the U.S.A. in 1917, and then for
reasons which have been thoroughly revealed by an investigation
committee set up by President Roosevelt himself. There are no other
differences between the Germans and the American people, either
territorial or political, which could possibly touch the interests
let alone the existence of the U.S.A.
There was always a difference of Constitution, but that can't be a
reason for hostilities so long as the one state does not try to
interfere with the other. America is a Republic, a Democracy, and
today is a Republic under strong authoritative leadership. The ocean
lies between the two states. The divergences between Capitalist
America and Bolshevik Russia, if such conceptions had any truth in
them, would be much greater than between America led by a President
and Germany led by a Fuhrer.
But it is a fact that the two conflicts between Germany and the
U.S.A., were inspired by the same force and caused by two men in the
U.S.A. Wilson and Roosevelt.
History has already passed its verdict on Wilson, his name stands
for one of the basest breaches of the given word, that led to the
disruption not only among the so-called vanquished, but among the
victors. This breach of his word alone made possible the dictate of
Versailles. We know today that a group of interested financiers
stood behind Wilson and made use of this paralytic professor because
they hoped for increased business. The German people have had to pay
for having believed this man with the collapse of their political
and economic existence.
But why is there now another President of the U.S.A., who regards it
as his only task to intensify anti-German feeling to the pitch of
war? National Socialism came to power in Germany in the same years
as Roosevelt was elected President. I understand only too well that
a worldwide distance separates Roosevelt's ideas and my ideas.
Roosevelt comes from a rich family and belongs to the class whose
path is smoothed in the Democracy. I am the only child of a small,
poor family and had to fight my way by work and industry.
When the Great War came, Roosevelt occupied a position where he got
to know only its pleasant consequences enjoyed by those who do
business while others bleed. I was only one of those who carry out
orders, as an ordinary soldier, and naturally returned from the war
just as poor as I was in autumn of 1914. I shared the fate of
millions, and Franklin Roosevelt only the fate of the so-called
upper ten thousand.
After the war Roosevelt tried his hand at financial speculation; he
made profits out of the inflation, out of the misery of others,
while I, together with many hundreds of thousands more, lay in
hospitals. When Roosevelt finally stepped on the political stage
with all the advantages of his class, I was unknown and fought for
the resurrection of my people.
When Roosevelt took his place at the head of the U.S.A., he was the
candidate of a Capitalistic party which made use of him; when I
became Chancellor of the German Reich, I was Fuehrer of the popular
movement I had created. The powers behind Roosevelt were those
powers I had fought at home. The Brains Trust were composed of
people such as we had fought against in Germany as parasites and
removed from public life.
Yet there is something in common between us. Roosevelt took over a
State in a very poor economic condition, and I took over a Reich
faced with complete ruin, also thanks to Democracy. In the U.S.A.
there were 13 million unemployed, and in Germany 7,000,000 part-time
workers. The finances of both States were in a bad way, and ordinary
economic life could hardly be maintained. A development then started
in the U.S.A. and in the German Reich, which will make it easy for
posterity to pass a verdict on the correctness of the theories.
While an unprecedented revival of economic life, culture and art
took place in Germany under National Socialistic leadership within
the space of a few years; President Roosevelt did not succeed in
bringing about even the slightest improvements in his own country.
And yet this work must have been much easier in the U.S.A. where
there lived scarcely fifteen people on a square kilometre, as
against 140 in Germany.
If such a country does not succeed in assuring economic prosperity,
this must be a result either of the bad faith of its leaders in
power, or of a total inefficiency on the part of the leading men. In
scarcely five years, economic problems had been solved in Germany
and unemployment had been overcome. During the same period,
President Roosevelt had increased the State Debt of his country to
an enormous extent, the decreased value of the dollar, had brought
about a further disintegration of economic life, without diminishing
the unemployment figures.
All this is not surprising if one bears in mind that the men he had
called to support him, or rather, the men who had called him,
belonged to the Jewish element, whose interests are all for
disintegration and never for order. While speculation was being
fought in National Socialist Germany, it thrived astoundingly under
the Roosevelt regime.
Roosevelt's New Deal legislation was all-wrong, It was actually the
biggest failure ever experienced by one man. There can be no doubt
that a continuation of this economic policy would have undone this
President in peace time, in spite of all his dialectical skill.
In a European State he would surely have come eventually before a
State Court on a charge of deliberate waste of the national wealth;
and he would have scarcely escaped at the hands of a civil court, on
a charge of criminal business methods.
This fact was realized and fully appreciated also by many Americans
including some of high standing. A threatening opposition was
gathering over the head of this man. He guessed that the only
salvation for him lay in diverting public attention from home to
foreign policy. It is interesting to study in this connection the
reports of the Polish Envoy in Washington, Potocki. He repeatedly
points out that Roosevelt was fully aware of the danger threatening
the card castle of his economic system with collapse, and that he
was therefore urgently in need of a diversion in foreign policy.
He was strengthened in this resolve by the Jews surrounding him.
Their Old Testament thirst for revenge saw in the U.S.A. an
instrument for preparing a second "Purim" for the European nations,
which were becoming increasingly anti-Semitic. The full diabolical
meanness of Jewry rallied round this man, and he stretched out his
Thus began the increasing efforts of the American President to
create conflicts, to do everything to prevent conflicts from being
peacefully solved. For years this man harboured one desire that a
conflict should break out somewhere in the world. The most
convenient place would be in Europe, where American economy could be
committed to the cause of one of the belligerents in such a way that
a political interconnection of interests would arise calculated
slowly to bring America nearer such a conflict.
This would thereby divert public interest from bankrupt economic
policy at home towards foreign problem.
His attitude to the German Reich in this spirit was particularly
sharp. In 1937, Roosevelt made a number of speeches, including a
particularly mean one pronounced in Chicago on 5th October 1937.
Systematically he began to incite American public opinions against
Germany. He threatened to establish a kind of Quarantine against the
so-called Authoritarian States.
While making those increasingly spiteful and inflammatory speeches,
President Roosevelt summoned the American Ambassadors to Washington
to report to him. This event followed some further declarations of
an insulting character; and ever since, the two countries have been
connected with each other only through Charges d'Affairs.
From November 1938 onwards, his systematic efforts were directed
towards sabotaging any possibility of an appeasement policy in
Europe. In public, he was hypocritically pretending to be for peace;
but at the same time he was threatening any country ready to pursue
a policy of peaceful understanding with the freezing of assets, with
economic reprisals, with demands for the repayment of loans, etc.
Staggering information to this effort can be derived from the
reports of Polish Ambassadors in Washington, London, Paris and
In January, 1939, this man began to strengthen his campaign of
incitement and threatened to take all possible Congressional
measures against the Authoritarian States, with the exception of
war, while alleging that other countries were trying to interfere in
American affairs and insisting on the maintenance of the Monroe
Doctrine, he himself began from March 1939 onwards, to meddle in
European affairs which were no concern at all of the President of
the U.S.A., since he does not understand those problems, and even if
he did understand them and the historic background behind them, he
would have just as little right to worry about the central European
area as the German Reich has to judge conditions in a U.S. State and
to take an attitude towards them.
But Mr. Roosevelt went even farther. In contradiction to all the
tenets of international law, he declared that he would not recognize
certain Governments which did not suit him, would not accept
readjustments, would maintain Legations of States dissolved long
before or actually set them up as legal Governments. He even went so
far as to conclude agreements with such Envoys and thus to acquire a
right simply to occupy foreign territories.
On 5th April 1939, came Roosevelt's famous appeal to myself and the
Duce. It was a clumsy combination of geographical and political
ignorance and of the arrogance of the millionaire circles around
him. It asked us to give undertakings to conclude non-aggression
Pacts indiscriminately with any country, including mostly countries,
which were not even free, since Mr. Roosevelt's allies had annexed
them or changed them into Protectorates.
You will remember, my Deputies, that I then gave a polite and clear
reply to this meddling gentleman. For some months at least, this
stopped the flow of eloquence from this honest warmonger. But his
place was taken by his honourable spouse. She declined to live with
her sons in a world such as the one we have worked out. And quite
right, for this is a world of labour and not of cheating and
After a little rest, the husband of that woman came back on the
scene and on the 4th November 1939, engineered the reversion of the
Neutrality Law so as to suspend the ban on the export of arms, in
favour of a one-sided delivery of arms to Germany's opponents. He
then begins, somewhat as in Asia and in China, but by the roundabout
way of economic infiltration to establish a community of interest
destined to become operative at a later time.
In the same month, he recognizes, as a so-called Government in
exile, a gang of Polish emigrants, whose only political foundation
was a few million gold coins taken with them from Warsaw. On the 9th
of April he goes on and he orders the blocking of Norwegian and
Danish assets under the lying pretext of placing them beyond the
German reach, although he knows perfectly well that the Danish
Government in its financial administration is not in any way being
interfered with, let alone controlled, by Germany.
To the various exiled Governments recognized by him, the Norwegian
is now added. On the 15th May 1940, he recognizes the Dutch and
Belgian émigré Governments. This was followed by blocking Dutch and
His true mentality then comes clearly to light in a telegram of 15th
June to the French Prime Minister, Reynaud. He advises him that the
American government will double its help to France, provided that
France continues the war against Germany. So as to give still
greater expression to this, his wish for a continuation of the war,
he issues a declaration that the American Government will not
recognize the results of the conquest of territories i.e., the
restoration to Germany of lands, which had been stolen from her.
I don't need to assure you, Members of the Reichstag, that it is a
matter of complete indifference to every German Government whether
the President of the U.S.A. recognizes the frontiers of Europe or
no, and that this indifference will likewise continue, in the
future. I merely quote this to illustrate the methodical incitement,
which has come from this man who speaks hypocritically of peace, but
always urges to war.
But now he is seized with fear that if peace is brought about in
Europe, his squandering of billions of money on armaments will be
looked upon, since nobody will attack America, as plain fraud and
so he then must himself provoke this attack upon his country.
On the 17th July 1940, the American President orders the blocking of
French assets with a view, as he puts it, to placing them beyond
German reach, but really in order to transfer the French gold from
Casablanca to America with the assistance of an American cruiser.
In July 1940 he tries by enlisting American citizens in the British
Air Force and by training British airmen in the U.S.A. to pave ever
better the way to war.
In August 1940, a military programme is jointly drawn up between the
U.S.A. and Canada. To make the establishment of a Canadian-U.S.
Defence Committee plausible plausible at least to the biggest
fools he invents from time to time, crises, by means of which he
pretends that America is being threatened with aggression.
This he wishes to impress upon the American people by suddenly
returning on the 3rd April to Washington with all speed on account
of the alleged danger of the situation. In September 1940 he draws
still nearer to the war. He turns over to the British Fleet 50
destroyers of the American Navy in return for which, to be sure, he
takes over several British bases in North and South America.
From all these actions, it may be clearly seen how, with all his
hatred for Socialist Germany, he forms the resolution of taking
over, as safely and securely as possible, the British Empire in the
moment of its downfall. Since England is no longer in the position
to pay cash for all the American deliveries, he imposes the
Lease-Lend Law on the American people.
He thus receives powers to lend or lease support to countries, the
defence of which may appear to him as vital in American's interests.
Then, once more he takes a further step. As far back as the 9th
December 1939, American naval forces in the security zone handed
over the German ship Columbus to the British navy. Due to
circumstances she had to be sunk.
On the same day, U.S. forces cooperated to prevent the attempted
escape of the German steamer Arauca.
On the 27th January 1940, a U.S. cruiser in contravention of
International Law advised enemy naval forces of the movements of the
German steamers, Arauca, La Plata and Mangoni.
On the 27th June 1940, he ordered, in complete contravention of
International Law, a restriction of the freedom of movements of
foreign ships in U.S. harbours.
In November, 1940, he ordered the German ships Reugeu, Niedervald
and Rhein to be shadowed by American ships until these steamers were
compelled to scuttle themselves so as not to fall into enemy hands.
On 30th April 1941, followed the opening up of the Red Sea to U.S.
ships, so that they could carry supplies to the British armies in
the Near East.
Meanwhile, in March, the American authorities requisitioned all
German ships. In the course of this German nationals were treated in
a most inhuman manner, and in contravention of all notions of
international law designated places of residence were assigned them,
travelling restrictions imposed upon them, and so on.
Two German officers who had escaped from Canadian captivity, were
again contrary to all the dictates of international law handcuffed
and handed over to the Canadian authorities.
On the 24th March the same President who stands against every
aggression, acclaimed Simovitch and his companions who gained their
positions by aggression and by removing the lawful government of
their country. Roosevelt had some months before sent Colonel
Donovan, a completely unworthy creature, to the Balkans, to Sofia
and Belgrade, to engineer a rising against Germany and Italy.
In April, he promised help to Yugoslavia and Greece under the
Lend-Lease Act. At the end of April, this man recognized the
Yugoslav and Greek émigré governments, and once more against
international law, blocked Yugoslav and Greek assets.
From the middle of April onwards, the American watch over the
Western Atlantic by U.S.A. patrols was extended, and reports were
made to the British.
On the 26th April, Roosevelt transferred to the British 20
motor-torpedo-boats and at the same time, British war-ships were
being repaired in U.S. ports.
On 5th May, the illegal arming and repairing of Norwegian ships for
England took place.
On 4th June American troop transports arrived in Greenland, to build
On 9th June, came the first British report that, on Roosevelt's
orders, a U.S. warship had attacked a German u-boat with depth
charges near Greenland.
On 4th June, German assets in the U.S.A. were illegally blocked.
On the 7th June, Roosevelt demanded under mendacious pretexts, that
German consuls should be withdrawn and German consulates closed. He
also demanded the closing of the German Press Agency, Trans-ocean,
the German Information Library and the German Reichsbank Central
On 6th and 7th July, American Forces occupied Iceland, which is
within the German fighting zone, on the orders of Roosevelt. He
intended, first of all, to force Germany to make war and to make the
German U-boat warfare as ineffective as it was in 1915-16. At the
same time he promised American help to the Soviet Union.
On 10th June, the Navy Minister, Knox, suddenly announced an
American order to open fire on Axis warships.
On 4th September, the U.S. destroyer Greer, obeying orders, operated
with British aircraft against German U-boats in the Atlantic. Five
days later, a German U-boat noticed the U.S. destroyer acting as
escort in a British convoy.
On 11th September Roosevelt finally made a speech in which he
confirmed and repeated his order to fire on all Axis ships.
On 29th September, U.S. escort-vessels attacked a German U-boat with
depth charges East of Greenland.
On 7th October, the U.S. destroyer Kearney acting as an escort
vessel for Britain again attacked a German U-boat with depth
Finally, on 6th November, U.S. forces illegally seized the German
steamer, Odenwald, and took it to an American port where the crew
were taken prisoner.
I will pass over the insulting attacks made by this so-called
President against me. That he calls me a gangster is uninteresting.
After all, this expression was not coined in Europe but in America,
no doubt because such gangsters are lacking here. Apart from this, I
cannot be insulted by Roosevelt for I consider him mad, just as
I don't need to mention what this man has done for years in the same
way against Japan. First he incites war, then falsifies the causes,
then odiously wraps himself in a cloak of Christian hypocrisy and
slowly but surely leads mankind to war, not without calling God to
witness the honesty of his attack in the approved manner of an old
I think you have all found it a relief that now, at last, one State
has been the first to take the step of protest against his
historically unique and shameless ill treatment of truth, and of
right which protest this man has desired and about which he cannot
complain. The fact that the Japanese Government, which has been
negotiating for years with this man, has at last become tired of
being mocked by him, in such an unworthy way, fills us all, the
German people, and I think, all other decent people in the world,
with deep satisfaction.
We have seen what the Jews have done to Soviet Russia. We have made
the acquaintance of the Jewish Paradise on earth. Millions of German
soldiers have been able to see this country where the international
Jews have destroyed people and property. The President of the U.S.A.
ought finally to understand I say this only because of his limited
intellect that we know that the aim of this struggle is to destroy
one State after another.
But the present German Reich has nothing more in common with the old
Germany. And we, for our part, will now do what this provocateur has
been trying to do so much for years. Not only because we are the
ally of Japan, but also because Germany and Italy have enough
insight and strength to comprehend that, in these historic times,
the existence or non-existence of our nations, is being decided
perhaps for ever.
We clearly see the intention of the rest of the world towards us.
They reduced Democratic Germany to hunger. They would destroy our
National Socialism. When Churchill and Roosevelt state that they
want to build up a new social order, it is like a hairdresser with a
baldhead recommending an ineffective hair-restorer. These men, who
live in the most socially backward states, have misery and distress
enough in their own countries to occupy themselves with the
distribution of foodstuffs.
As for the German nation, it needs charity from neither Mr.
Churchill nor from Mr. Roosevelt, let alone from Mr. Eden. It wants
only its rights! It will secure for itself this right to life even
if thousands of Churchill's and Roosevelt's conspire against it.
In the whole history of the German nation, of nearly 2,000 years, it
has never been so united as today and, thanks to National Socialism
it will remain united in the future. It probably has never seen so
clearly, and rarely been so conscious of its honour.
As a consequence of the further extension of President Roosevelt's
policy, which is aimed at unrestricted world domination and
dictatorship the U.S.A. together with England have not hesitated
from using any means to dispute the rights of the German, Italian
and Japanese nations to the base of their natural existence.
The Governments of the U.S.A. and of England have therefore
resisted, not only now but also for all time, every just
understanding meant to bring about a better New Order in the world.
Since the beginning of the war the American president, Roosevelt,
has been guilty of a series of the worst crimes against
international law; illegal seizure of ships and other property of
German and Italian nationals, coupled with the threat to, and
looting of, those who were deprived of their liberty by internment.
Roosevelt's ever increasing attacks finally went so far that he
ordered the American navy to attack everywhere ships under the
German and Italian flags, and to sink them this in gross violation
of international law. American ministers boasted of having destroyed
German submarines in this criminal way. German and Italian merchant
ships were attacked by American cruisers, captured and their crews
With no attempt at an official denial there has now been revealed in
America President Roosevelt's plan by which, at the latest in 1943,
Germany and Italy were to be attacked in Europe by military means.
In this way the sincere efforts of Germany and Italy to prevent an
extension of the war and to maintain relations with the U.S.A. in
spite of the unbearable provocations which have been carried on for
years by President Roosevelt, have been frustrated.
Germany and Italy have been finally compelled, in view of this, and
in loyalty to the Tri-Partite act, to carry on the struggle against
the U.S.A. and England jointly and side by side with Japan for the
defence and thus for the maintenance of the liberty and independence
of their nations and empires.
The Three Powers have therefore concluded the following Agreement,
which was signed in Berlin today:
"In their unshakable determination not to lay down arms until the
joint war against the U.S.A. and England reaches a successful
conclusion, the German, Italian, and Japanese governments have
agreed on the following points:
Article 1. Germany, Italy and Japan will wage the common war forced
upon them by the U.S.A. and England with all the means of power at
their disposal, to a victorious conclusion.
Article II. Germany, Italy and Japan undertake not to conclude an
armistice or peace with the U.S.A., or with England without complete
Article III. Germany, Italy and Japan will continue the closest
cooperation even after the victorious conclusion of the war in order
to bring about a just new order in the sense of the Tri-Partite Pact
concluded by them on the 27th September 1940.
Article IV. This Agreement comes into force immediately after
signature and remains in force as long as the Tri-Partite Pact of
27th September 1940. The Signatory Powers will confer in time before
this period ends about the future form of the cooperation provided
for in Article III of this agreement."
Deputies, Members of the German Reichstag:
Ever since my last peace proposal of July 1940 was rejected, we have
realized that this struggle has to be fought out to its last
implications. That the Anglo-Saxon-Jewish-Capitalist World finds
itself now in one and the same Front with Bolshevism does not
surprise us National Socialists: we have always found them in
We have concluded the struggle successfully inside Germany and have
destroyed our adversaries after 16 years struggle for power. When 23
years ago, I decided to enter political life and to lift this nation
out of its decline, I was a nameless, unknown soldier. Many among
you know how difficult were the first few years of this struggle.
From the time when the Movement consisted of seven men, until we
took over power in January 1933, the path was so miraculous that
only Providence itself with its blessing could have made this
Today I am at the head of the strongest Army in the world, the
largest Air Force and of a proud Navy. Behind and around me stands
the Party with which I became great and which has become great
through me. The enemies I see before me are the same enemies as 20
years ago, but the path along which I look forward cannot be
compared with that on which I look back.
The German people recognizes the decisive hour of its existence,
millions of soldiers do their duty, millions of German peasants and
workers, women and girls, produce bread for the home country and
arms for the Front. We are allied with strong peoples, who in the
same need are faced with the same enemies. The American President
and his Plutocratic clique have mocked us as the Have-nots that is
true, but the Have-nots will see to it that they are not robbed of
the little they have.
You, my fellow party members, know my unalterable determination to
carry a fight once begun to its successful conclusion. You know my
determination in such a struggle to be deterred by nothing, to break
every resistance, which must be broken. In September 1939 I assured
you that neither force of arms nor time would overcome Germany. I
will assure my enemies that neither force of arms nor time nor any
internal doubts, can make us waver in the performance of our duty.
When we think of the sacrifices of our soldiers, any sacrifice made
by the Home Front is completely unimportant. When we think of those
who in past centuries have fallen for the Reich, then we realize the
greatness of our duty. But anybody who tries to evade this duty has
no claim to be regarded in our midst as a fellow German. Just as we
were unmercifully hard in our struggle for power we shall be
unmercifully hard in the struggle to maintain our nation.
At a time when thousands of our best men are dying nobody must
expect to live who tries to depreciate the sacrifices made at the
Front. Immaterial under what camouflage he tries to disturb this
German Front, to undermine the resistance of our people, to weaken
the authority of the regime, to sabotage the achievements of the
Home Front, he shall die for it!
But with the difference that this sacrifice brings the highest
honour to the soldier at the Front, whereas the other dies
dishonoured and disgraced.
Our enemies must not deceive themselves in the 2,000 years of
German history known to us, our people have never been more united
than today. The Lord of the Universe has treated us so well in the
past years that we bow in gratitude to a providence which has
allowed us to be members of such a great nation. We thank Him that
we also can be entered with honour into the everlasting book of
The Declaration of War on the US
by Adolf Hitler.